Homicide Studies recently published Schildkraut and Turanovic 2022 "A New Wave of Mass Shootings? Exploring the Potential Impact of COVID-19". From the abstract:

Results show that total, private, and public mass shootings increased following the declaration of COVID-19 as a national emergency in March of 2020.

I was curious how Schildkraut and Turanovic 2022 addressed the possible confound of the 25 May 2020 killing of George Floyd.

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Below is my plot of data used in Schildkraut and Turanovic 2022, for total mass shootings:

My read of the plot is that, until after the killing of George Floyd, there is insufficient evidence that mass shootings were higher in 2020 than in 2019.

Table 1 of Schildkraut and Turanovic 2022 reports an interrupted time series analysis that does not address the killing of George Floyd, with a key estimate of 0.409 and a standard error of 0.072. Schildkraut and Turanovic 2022 reports a separate analysis about George Floyd...

However, since George Floyd's murder occurred after the onset of the COVID-19 declaration, we conducted ITSA using only the post-COVID time period (n = 53 weeks) and used the week of May 25, 2020 as the point of interruption in each time series. These results indicated that George Floyd's murder had no impact on changes in overall mass shootings (b = 0.354, 95% CI [−0.074, 0.781], p = .105) or private mass shootings (b = 0.125, 95% CI [−0.419, 0.669], p = .652), but that Floyd's murder was linked to increases in public mass shootings (b = 0.772, 95% CI [0.062, 1.483], p = .033).

...but Schildkraut and Turanovic 2022 does not report any attempt to assess whether there is sufficient evidence to attribute the increase in mass shootings to covid once the 0.354 estimate for Floyd is addressed. The lack of statistical significance for the 0.354 Floyd estimate can't be used to conclude "no impact", especially given that the analysis for the covid declaration had data for 52 weeks pre-declaration and 53 weeks post-declaration, but the analysis for Floyd had data for only 11 weeks pre-Floyd and 42 weeks post-Floyd.

Schildkraut and Turanovic 2022 also disaggregated mass shootings into public mass shootings and private mass shootings. Corresponding plots by me are below. It doesn't look like the red line for the covid declaration is the break point for the increase in 2020 relative to 2019.

Astral Codex Ten discussed methods used to try to disentangle the effect of covid from the effect of Floyd, such as using for reference prior protests and other countries.

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NOTES

1. In the Schildkraut and Turanovic 2022 data, some dates appeared in different weeks, such as 2019 Week 11 running from March 11 to March 17, but 2020 Week 11 running from March 9 to March 15.

2. The 13 March 2020 covid declaration occurred in the middle of Week 11, but the Floyd killing occurred at the start of Week 22, which ran from 25 May 2020 to May 31 2020.

3. Data. R code for the "total" plot above.

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PS: Political Science & Politics recently published Hartnett and Haver 2022 "Unconditional support for Trump's resistance prior to Election Day".

Hartnett and Haver 2022 reported on an experiment conducted in October 2020 in which likely Trump voters were asked to consider the hypothetical of a Biden win in the Electoral College and in the popular vote, with a Biden popular vote percentage point win randomly assigned to be from 1 percentage point through 15 percentage points. These likely Trump voters were then asked whether the Trump campaign should resist or concede.

Data were collected before the election, but Hartnett and Haver 2022 did not report anything about a corresponding experiment involving likely Biden voters. Hartnett and Haver 2022 discussed a Reuters/Ipsos poll that "found that 41% of likely Trump voters would not accept a Biden victory and 16% of all likely Trump voters 'would engage in street protests or even violence' (Kahn 2020)". The Kahn 2020 source indicates that the corresponding percentages for Biden voters for a Trump victory were 43% and 22%, so it didn't seem like there was a good reason to not include a parallel experiment for Biden voters, especially because data on only Trump voters wouldn't permit valid inferences about the characteristics on which Trump voters were distinctive.

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But text for a somewhat corresponding experiment involving likely Biden voters is hidden in the Hartnett and Haver 2022 codebook under white boxes or something like that. The text of the hidden items can be highlighted, copied, and pasted from the bottom of pages 19 and 20 of the codebook PDF (or more hidden text can be copied, using ctrl+A, then ctrl-C, and then pasted with ctrl-V).

The hidden codebook text indicates that the hartnett_haver block of the survey had a "bidenlose" item that asked likely Biden voters whether, if Biden wins the popular vote by the randomized percentage points and Trump wins the electoral college, the Biden campaign should "Resist the results of the election in any way possible" or "Concede defeat".

There might be an innocent explanation for Hartnett and Haver 2022 not reporting the results for those items, but that innocent explanation hasn't been shared with me yet on Twitter. Maybe Hartnett and Haver 2022 have a manuscript in progress about the "bidenlose" item.

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NOTES

1. Hartnett and Haver 2022 seems to be the survey that Emily Badger at the New York Times referred to as "another recent survey experiment conducted by Brian Schaffner, Alexandra Haver and Brendan Hartnett at Tufts". The copied-and-pasted codebook text indicates that this was for the "2020 Tufts Class Survey".

2. On page 18 of the Hartnett and Haver 2022 codebook, above the hidden item about socialism, part of the text of the "certain advantages" item is missing, which seems to be a should-be-obvious indication that text has been covered.

3. The codebook seems to be missing pages of the full survey: in the copied-and-pasted text, page numbers jump from "Page 21 of 43" to "Page 24 of 43" to "Page 31 of 43" to "Page 33 of 43". Presumably at least some missing items were for other members of the Tufts class, although I'm not sure what happened to page 32, which seems to be part of the hartnett_haver block that started on page 31 and ended on page 33.

4. The dataset for Hartnett and Haver 2022 includes a popular vote percentage point win from 1 percentage point through 15 percentage points assigned to likely Biden voters, but the dataset has no data on a resist-or-concede outcome or on a follow-up open-ended item.

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